initiation:
"We are not infallible creatures, certainly in the living world, we do not actually have another possible way to confirm the truth of what is real, only a logical and open discussion on the future."
Jurgen Habermas (born in 1929) is part of that generation that was forced into Germany to emerge in the shadow of Nazism, and who did not know anything, at the time of its collapse in 1945, except its ideology and order..Dominance.In a devastating country, the urgent question of this young generation, at the dawn of its twenties, was how to rebuild a society and a policy on the foundations of those based on coercion, violence and hegemony - which was in the heart of Nazi barbarism.Jurgen Habermas, known among other minds of his concepts of"public space","communicative action","Republican mind", and"deliberative democracy", is one of the main contributions to contemporary social and political theory as well as in the theory of Eitika discussion and communication.
Likewise, it decisively nourishes the critical theory stream (for the Frankfurt School), which started in the 1920s by a group of researchers gathered around the Institute of Social Research - including Max Horkheimer, Dyodor Adorno, Walter Benjamin, and Herbert Marcuse, Leo Lovena, SiegfridKarkor.Since his first writings, Jurgen Habermas gave a central position to the concept of reason, stressing its components, ethical and political alike, as well as the social and historical dimension.He considered that his theoretical developments are part of an thought that falls on the crossroads of various disciplines such as social and political philosophy, sociology, news sciences, communication, media, media, technology, language science, knowledge theory, law, state theory, psychoanalysis, developmental psychology, etc..
Jurgen Habermas thought has been published from the 1950s until today, over more than six decades, in the form of theoretical contributions in addition to general interventions in the European and American political and media space.And if it is difficult to summarize his idea of a number of ideas, it is possible - from the point of view of the audience's question - determining the main periods, which characterize its three main works: public space (1962), the theory of communicative action (1981), truth and democracy (1992).The first period is characterized by the development of a theory of public space closely related to the Kantian concept of the mind, which follows Jurgen Habermas, as a sociologist and historian, historical and social fate.The second period is characterized by the extension of these developments in the field of language theory and social communication, and the basis of the theory of mind between the established self in understanding the language and the principle of discussion.On these foundations, the third period developed a theory on the rule of law and"deliberative democracy", and its axis was the legal mediator.In this way, the ideas of the public, public space and deliberative policy cross as a condition for a collective formation of democratic will, these three periods, and present themselves as basic concepts of Habermas theory..
1- Public space:
"Part of the public space appears in every conversation in which individuals meet together to form an audience.Citizens act as public when they deliberate in issues of public attention without restrictions - while ensuring freedom of assembly, forming associations and freedom to express and publish their opinions.This type of communication requires a large audience, ways to transfer information and influence those who receive it.Today, newspapers, magazines, radio and television are the public domain media..In this way, Jurgen Habermas thought is radically distinguished from this Nazi barbaric experience and separated from others with this moral and political requirement for social reconstruction..
There was little doubt in his eyes that these features of reconstruction should be the characteristics of democracy, citizens and civil freedoms.The Nazi barbarism not only eliminated civil freedoms, and removed the conditions for the practice of individual independence, but also eliminated the idea of open culture and rhetorical space who are not subject to totalitarian power.It is a decisive return to the normative principles of emerging bourgeois modernity and political liberalism in which Jurgen Habermas works, from a material and critical perspective alike, by relying on a certain intuition that exists among his colleagues at the Frankfurt School (Theodore Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Herbert Marcuse).
In this context, the Kantian concept of the critical mind and enlightenment has gained decisive importance in his thinking.Emmanuel Kant developed the idea of"general use of the mind" in response to the question"What is Enlightenment?" (Kant, 1784).Emmanuel Kant imagines the logic of ordinary individuals who gather in an audience, where everyone thinks somehow loudly and reach an agreement through the language, as a necessary process to form a fair society and a common destiny.The principle of reason, which is at the heart of this philosophy, provides the possibility of unifying awareness in understanding, expressing morals and politics, linking the private field and the public field, and depicting a mass transformation according to the mind.According to this principle, the state law must be subject to the practical mind test, and for the law to be fair, it must be approved publicly.Consequently, the practice of confidentiality, upon which the absolute countries built their dominance, may have shattered.Political and legislative authority must be based on the will.According to Emmanuel Kant, justice and"general purposes of the public" are inseparable from propaganda.However, this principle of self -determination cannot be achieved unless the participants have already used their logic in public discussions, which at the same time work to control the service of truth and justice.
In short, the Kantian principle of reason is assumed first that people are independent, and that they are freely and without restrictions as a judgment on public interest issues;After that, the people themselves openly form in order to formulate data and provisions calling for restricting political power;Finally, the latter's decisions are in the form of laws subject to discussion and approval by this public, which guarantees their legitimacy.This principle of critical mind and enlightening propaganda is the basis of Habermas's concept of public space.He sees the human self as a political animal - according to Aristotle formula - that is, an object that is formed and achieved only in a"general culture, common to self with its counterparts, and whose skills do not develop.Allow a person to become a person only thanks to his original integration into a public network of social relations.
We humans learn from each other, Juergen Habermas confirms.This is only possible in the public space produced by a cultural motivational environment.This insistence on the social dimension keeps Juergen Habermas away from liberal and individual theories.Its focus on the public as a process of self -formation and practicality keeps it away from the theories of society.In this heritage, its concept must be included from the masses.However, with the principle of critical mind and enlightenment, we are far from the idea of"space" in the spatial sense, as the French translation of the term suggests.Because the term"public space" is often used in French to refer to the concrete forms of non -private spaces (street, market, public buildings, etc.).
On the contrary, Jurgen Habermas gives this idea the Kantian meaning of a process that affects"to become generally", where special or personal interests are ignored.Unlike the spatial meaning, the term above all refers to the"publishing" movement and propaganda, which is the process of"becoming a general", which is a common dynamic of understanding governed by the mind.This is the principle adopted by the thinker for himself in his work.There, he established a standard concept of democratic self -organization of society, by building critical masses capable of governance, political discourse and deliberative mind.
In addition to his work in public space since the mid -fifties of the last century, Jurgen Habermas participated as a young opinion poll in Frankfurt.His experimental work at that time focused on the process of removing Nazism and democratic reconstruction in Germany.In particular, the researchers were studying the possibilities of re -spreading political and civil within the rule of democratic law, and stripping it of its authoritarian aspects.This research also reached a question about the formation of democratic self, which is able to revitalize political public opinion without tyranny - and purify the remnants of Nazi ideology - to find the path of democratic, pluralism, political, and democratic training of collective will.
In this context, with the emergence of a new generation, the Nazis does not give up or responsible for it, Jurgen Habermas shows a certain confidence in his ability to contribute to the rebuilding of a democratic society, in light of the moral principles based on the political audience of an active audience.This does not prevent him from seeing at work, in this new context, strong mechanisms for political confiscation characterized by tendencies to steal the practical questions of the public field in favor of a technocratic state that exceeds everyone.Citizens, even hostile to the latter.This interest in the forms of confiscation of the"collective composition of the will" by a authoritarian authority that permeates all its actions.
In the sixties of the last century, pledges against reducing the technocratic in political activity made practical and political questions into technical questions.In the 1970s, the motive behind her work on the crisis of legitimacy in the"advanced capitalist" societies as well as the tendencies towards"colonizing the living world" through economies and power systems.In the 1980s, they were the subject of an in -depth research on the role of law as a mediator between the"regime" and the"living world" within the"complex societies" related to the legitimacy process through communication practices public space.
These questions arose in the public space by analyzing the decline of the bourgeois public sphere and"re -feudal".In light of the normative principle of advertising, Juergen Habermas made historical sociology by describing the process of forming the bourgeois public domain on the one hand, and the process of decomposing it on the other hand..According to his analysis, the latter was formed thanks to independent topics in a space of discussion where everyone is pushed to formulate judgments by discussing important questions.Such a process assumes a rational and critical perception of culture, in addition to insurmountable means of communication that allows the formation of the masses through"public use of the mind".
Because, as the author emphasized.Consequently, the public space means"the field of public life for the guaranteed social activity of all citizens, through which a public opinion can be created".In the public space, Jurgen Habermas continued the project to restore the historical fate of the Kantian saying of the enlightening mind, from the historical composition of the bourgeois public field until it retreated during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.In his opinion, the sabotage of the principle of monetary propaganda in favor of the manipulated advertising indicates the wilt of the principle of advertising and the decline in the bourgeois public space.While the exchange relations between the individual owners who were supposed to be equal, the liberal model led to an unprecedented focus of the economic and social authority in the hands of a few.
This led to the creation of dependency and domination links that have become one time insecure for society.Under the influence of its own contradictions, the liberal model collapsed, leaving a vacuum filled through the growing state intervention, from the second half of the nineteenth century.Then the separation between the two private and the public king, which was composed of the liberal model of the bourgeois public field collapsed.Above all, the decisive function of the advertisement, in the sense of the general use of logic, has eroded in favor.Then the critical and contemplative audience becomes a"subordinate" and indifferent audience.While the declaration"it meant previously removing the ambiguity of the political dimension in the court for the general use of the mind, the declaration today is the content of the accumulation of response behaviors dictated by negative approval.
The influential initiators doubled the acting and status strategies to win the support.This"totalitarian culture" is subject to the individual to the reckless commitment.In the process of"re -feudal" in the public domain, the media plays a major role - in the form of the media, because it encourages individuals to adhere to the existing social relations, without going into the practice of critical thinking.
2- Communication verb:
In his work in 1962, the author came to observe the audience's liquidation, taking advantage of its reasons for the"reinstalling" of the public space, according to Dialectic plan for the historical decomposition of public space.Public space.This model is followed by another model in his writings at the end of the sixties, as it is no longer the historical stages that oppose (the critical audience opposite the affiliated audience), but the logic of action and forms of justification.Thus, Jurgen Habermas distinguishes a"symbolic rationalization" process that affects the standards and language, where he leaves the world of traditions (magic, myths, religion, etc.).
This justification liberates new spaces, now open to language and interpretation, which contributes to the emergence of active and critical masses that talk about the definitions of the world and the standards on which it is based.On the contrary, there is another form of justification that reveals, with the nature of the technology this time, which works in the world of economics and power.This includes calculating the methods and purposes of the procedure by searching for the best option under performance standards.If the symbolic rationalization contributes to expanding the audience and linguistic tasks that fall on it (the communicative definition of standards and positions), then the bombing of the needs of understanding the language, technical rationalization, the shortcomings of the circles resorting to the language through its systematic processes of calculation and its standard for automatic efficiency, and thus reducing any space for coordinationTo an effective strategy and performance.
For these two forms of rationality, Jurgen Habermas also opposes two forms of acting, which he describes as communicating when it comes to standards and symbols of understanding language, and edema when it comes to things and relationships according to the strategies and standards of functional performance.The philosopher also shows that modern societies are organized by two different forms of coordination between social women, depending on whether they fall under the"system" (economy and power) or"the living world".Work according to language means agreeing on the criteria that govern the work world, and coordination by filling out the symbols that are cloned at the same time through this activation.To work according to systematic forms of coordination, it means dispensing the language and the need for compatibility through the means of communication, which relate to the definition of the world in which the topics live as well as the standard trends that you adopt.The symbolic and social dimension.If the normal activity occurs at the systematic level as much as it occurs at the communication level, then we are witnessing a"colonization of the living world" by the system, when the latter exceeds linguistic activity and coordination, until it made it unnecessary..
This indicates the disappearance of the masses whose members use the language in the agreement and the argument alike, to determine the desired directions to work.Since then, the social world has become a cold and indifferent being, inhabited by frozen operations in the automatic that is formed thanks to the performance of the system alone..Linguistic communication will be so poor that"the symbolic reproduction" of society will be threatened.Here lies the catastrophic scenario to liquidate the public and the collective formation of the political authority, in favor of a unified world under the influence of the requirements of"the pattern", the administrative authority, and the economy.
3- The discussion:
في مواجهة هذه الصورة المجنونة لاختفاءPublic space تحت تأثير"النظام"، تابع يورغن هابرماس - منذ الثمانينيات - تفكيره في القانون كوسيط تنظيمي بين"النظام" و"العالم الحي".".According to this concept, the law emerges from the conflicting processes and the processes of understanding arising from the pensioner, to establish itself in the group of legal texts and the relatively stable laws.. على هذا النحو، فإنه يعرض خصائص"العالم الحي" وخصائص"النظام".In this sense, it created an intermediate category to regulate social life and limit the regime's control over the living world.In 1992, the author developed an analysis of the relationship between the organized public in the form of a civil society and the political system confined to the arenas of representative policy. التأكيد مرة أخرى على الدور الرئيسي للفضاء العمومي، والذي لا يراه كمؤسسة ولا كمنظمة، ولكن باعتباره"ظاهرة اجتماعية" ذات"آفاق مفتوحة ومتنقلة تسمح بالاتصال المحتويات والمواقف ومن ثم الآراء، اعتبر أن الارتباط بين المساحات العامة غير المنظمة للنقاش الحالي، يؤدي إلى تدفقات كثيفة من الاتصالات التلقائية، والمجالات المؤسسية الممنوحة سلطة اتخاذ القرار. يتمثل التحدي الذي يواجه المجتمع الديمقراطي في النجاح في ضمان وجود تعددية للأماكن العامة، متباينة ومتعددة، مع التمكن من إيصال هذا التنوع في الأصوات إلى الفضاء السياسي المؤسسي والضغط على"السلطة الإدارية".
The legitimacy of decisions taken by political power and the vitality of democracy depends on interactions between these areas.This legitimacy is based on a procedure that was published within the general political field, which brings together the opinions expressed in various squares.This procedure depends on the legitimacy of the democratic political system. مع فكرة"السيادة الإجرائية" هذه، أعيدت صياغة نظرية الفضاء العمومي في إطار"المجتمعات المعقدة" وسيادة القانون، وترسيخ نفسها في إمكانية العقلانية المكرسة في ممارسات اللغة العادية. وفقًا للنظرية المعيارية للمؤلف حول الديمقراطية التداولية، يجب أن تكون الأسئلة التي تتم مناقشتها وموضوعها فيPublic space (خاصة من قبل الحركات الاجتماعية) قابلة للترجمة إلى تعبيرات ومقترحات ضمن المجالات السياسية الخاصة بالنظام الديمقراطي، لتحقيق إعادة تشكيل الحق إذا لزم الأمر.
But to do this, the political authority must guarantee a certain transparency in its discussions and decisions, by allowing the public to identify the questions posed by the authority, and express its opinions. كما يجب أن تكون الجماهير المنظمة ودينامياتها الخطابية قادرة على تكوين"سلطة تواصلية" كما يؤكد يورغن هابرماس، مما يجعل من الممكن التأثير وتعديل الأحكام القانونية المتعلقة بمشكلة تم تحديدها وإنشاؤها داخل الأماكن العامة المعنية. يظهرPublic space على أنه"لوحة سبر آراء" قادرة على تمرير المشاكل الناتجة عن ضغط أنظمة الاقتصاد والسلطة الإدارية على وجود المواطنين - مشاكل تسبب الإحباط والمعاناة، وميزة الاتصال الجماهيري هي توليهم المسؤولية والتعامل معهم.
وهكذا يضع المفكر موضوعًا، من خلال استلهام مفهوم حنة أرنت للسلطة، على"السلطة القائمة على التواصل"، التي تستند إلى"حريات الاتصال للمواطنين" وعلى"الاعتراف" بين موضوعات ادعاءات الصحة" وشرائط الصلاحية، في أفعال الكلام التي تتم صياغتها في الأماكن العامة غير الرسمية. تُمارس هذه السلطة التواصلية في مواجهة السلطة المُدارة من أجل"تأكيد ضروراتها" وتحويل نفسها إلى سلطة صنع القرار السياسي. في دولة القانون، تستجيب هذه السلطة لمطلب ربط النظام الإداري بالسلطة التشريعية القائمة على التواصل، مع حمايته من القوة الغاشمة لـ"القوة الاجتماعية لتدخل المصالح المتميزة.
4- The role of public media:
لذا فإن نموذج"الديمقراطية التداولية" يعني وجود جماهير قادرة على النقد والحكم والتداول. كما يتضمن مفهومًا معياريًا لوسائل الإعلام والصحافة، من المفترض أن يضمن دور المعلومات والمعرفة، مما يجبر من هم في السلطة والهياكل الإدارية على أن يكونوا مسؤولين ويبررون أنفسهم فيPublic space، تصور يورغن هابرماس الصحافة على أنها"مؤسسة بامتياز" للمجال العام: كانت المنظمات الصحفية الأولى امتدادًا لمناقشات منطقية داخل المجال العام البرجوازي، أي حفز الوسطاء المناقشة العامة. في طليعة النضال من أجل حرية الرأي العام والدفاع عن مبدأ الدعاية، في مقابل الرقابة وممارسة السرية، ترتبط وسائل الإعلام ارتباطًا وثيقًا بدينامياتPublic space.
Their role is to ensure conditions for the formation of enlightened and rational masses, capable of identifying the topics and issues that concern them, and then encourage the democratic formation of the collective will.Therefore, the media has a role in information, culture and training the public who is able to practice its critical mind, and thus also reshape the normative rules of political power. ولا يمكن لوسائل الإعلام أن تؤدي هذا الدور إلا إذا تم تأطيرها بواسطة أنظمة قوية من القواعد والمبادئ المعيارية، مما يجعل من الممكن وقف عملية تسليع المحتوى والحد من مخاطر رؤية إنشاء"سلطة إعلامية". تحت الضغط الاقتصادي، يميل مجال المعلومات إلى تحويل نفسه إلى ترفيه، حيث يسود منطق"الصناعة الثقافية" كما أوضح ثيودور أدورنو وزملاؤه. يؤكد يورغن هابرماس بثبات، منذ كتاباته الأولى حتى خطاباته الأخيرة، أن الطابع التجاري والخاص لشركات الصحافة، وتركيزها الاقتصادي، يمثل"تهديدًا للمجال العام"، على الرغم من أنه كان كذلك في الأصل.It is indispensable to follow.
"بينما كان بإمكان الصحافة في الماضي أن تقتصر على لعب دور الوسيط والمحفز في استخدام الأشخاص العاديين الذين يشكلون الجمهور لعقلهم، فإن الإعلام الآن هو الذي يشترط ذلك المنطق"أكد فيPublic space. هذا الشك فيما يتعلق بوسائل الاتصال، والتأكيد على"غموضها" مع الإصرار على مساهماتها الأساسية في المجتمعات الديمقراطية، موجود في تحليلاته للصحافة الكلاسيكية، ووسائل الإعلام في القرن العشرين، وكذلك في تحليلاته للتقنيات الحديثة لظاهرة المعلومات والاتصالات.The developments in information and communication systems, especially the Internet, are actually subject to the same logic.Of course, it changes the rules of the game through the horizontal process and double the discussion spaces. مع"ثورة وسائل الإعلام"، يتم تسريع وتكثيف التدفقات التواصلية، مما يسمح بالتبادلات غير المنظمة بين شركاء الاتصال ويعزز كلاً من توسيع شبكات الاتصال وزيادة التمايز بين الجماهير. وهكذا، يميل الاتصال عبر الإنترنت إلى"إعادة التوازن إلى نقاط ضعف الطابع المجهول وغير المتكافئ للاتصال الجماهيري"، من خلال إحياء"الشخصية التاريخية للجمهور المتساوي من المحاورين الذين يقرؤون ويكتبون والمراسلين بالحرف". على الرغم من مساهمات هذه التحولات في الاتصال، بفضل تقنيات وسائل الإعلام، يؤكد يورغن هابرماس أنه"من غير الممكن إزالة الشك الذي لدينا للوهلة الأولى حول المساهمة المحتملة للاتصال الجماهيري في النهوض بالسياسة التداولية.
إذا كانت البنية التحتية التقنية التي هي الويب تعزز الاتصالات الأكثر كثافة وأسرع والأكثر احتقارًا، فإنها تشجع أيضًا عمليات التجزئة التي تخفف من قوى الطرد المركزي اللازمة لتحويل ديناميكياتPublic space إلى إرادة سياسية. لأن"المعادلات الوظيفية لهياكل الأماكن العامة التي تجمع الرسائل اللامركزية وتختارها وتوليفها".It also lacks the digital communication space. وهكذا لاحظ يورغن هابرماس أن،"في الأماكن العامة الوطنية، يبدو أن الاتصال السياسي قادر مؤقتًا فقط على الاستفادة من المناقشات عبر الإنترنت، عندما ترتبط المجموعات النشطة على الويب بعمليات حقيقية مثل الحملات الانتخابية أو الخلافات المستمرة، من أجل حشد اهتمام ودعم المؤيدين. ظهور الملايين من غرف المحادثات المنتشرة في جميع أنحاء العالم والقضايا العامة من المجموعات التي تتجمع حول سؤال، والتي تكون مترابطة، تفضل بدلاً من ذلك تفكك هذه الجماهير الكبيرة، ومع ذلك تتمحور"في نفس الوقت على نفس الأسئلة في الأماكن العامة السياسية" (المرجع نفسه).Therefore, in digital space, this audience is divided into a large number of fragmented random groups that have specific interests..In this way, it seems that the current public public spaces are undermined gradually.
Conclusion:
Habermas is practiced by constructive criticism, despite this type of reservation that has been formulated several times in his writings, Jurgen Habermas theory is often criticized for communication and public space to give idealism to the communication operations that digital devices are supposed to perform, which are excessive in coding and digitizationApproach between objectivity and mutual understanding, unrestricted communication, building a deliberative consensus.In fact, his work is less directly on examining the discourse detailed with power, as in Michelle Foucault, and unequal linguistic exchanges, or even symbolic forms of violence and control - which the sociology of Pierre Bourdio described.He does not try to shed light on the impossibility of communication due to structural disparities, unequal skills and differences in the situation and dominance patterns. ومع ذلك، تلعب"تشوهات الاتصال"، أو"أمراض الاتصال" دورًا سيئ السمعة في يورغن هابرماس، وترقى نظريته النقدية إلى منح نفسه الوسائل لتسليط الضوء عليها وتقديمها للنقد.Above all from the perspective of rebuilding the practical standards of communication understanding, they are highlighted. لا يسعى الفيلسوف إلى تفكيك ممارسات الفهم بين الذات والتواصل الاجتماعي، بل لإعادة بناء ممارسات الفهم بين الذاتيين والتواصل الاجتماعي - والمعايير الفعالة لأخلاقيات المناقشة" المرتبطة بالبحث الجماعي عن"أفضل حجة".
إن نظرية المعرفة البنائية هذه هي أساس نظريته، وتتألف من وصف العالم"الذي يجب أن يكون" على أساس العالم"كما هو"، في فحص ما يمكن أن يكون جوهريًا في الممارسات موضع التساؤل حول الخطة المعيارية.Based on the restriction, Habermas thus raises the issue of the limits of the just society organized by the mind, starting with the practical standard of understanding between the self by language. إن مداخلاته العامة هي تعبيرات عن هذا الموقف النقدي، إلى جانب الرغبة في تجديد"تشخيصه للحاضر" باستمرار، والتي تتوافق مع المساهمات المشتركة لعلم الاجتماع والفلسفة.This double, social and standard dimension is inseparable from the critical theory of Jurgen Habermas, and its perception of the public is strongly linked to it..To what extent does this communicative ethics allow to save the world from the crisis of communication?